Untouchable Secret - Mossad False Flag - 9/11 ???
"the case of the century"
And here is what the international press allows itself to say about FALSE FLAG terrorism:
... for allegedly preparing the ground for a coup to remove the government by spreading terror.
.... Prosecutors say the plot aimed to destabilize Turkey through a series of attacks and trigger a coup in 2009.
... "Being in Ankara feels like being in a hostile Arab country," an Israeli official stationed in Turkey told Haaretz.
...The Anatolia news agency said Saturday that the officers - two colonels and two lieutenants - had been charged with belonging to a terrorist organization
... Prosecutors accuse them of planning assassinations and bombings to sow chaos in Turkey, forcing the army to step in and overthrow the government.
... The case has split Turkey. Liberals hailed it as a breakthrough in uncovering some of the most notorious killings of past decades
... accused of belonging to a clandestine organisation, which planned bombings and assassinations to provoke a military coup.
... The guns and explosives are all too real.
... The evidence against some of the accused is persuasive. This trial is not something cooked up by the government.
... The probe initially received support for countering the so-called "deep state" -- a term used to describe security forces acting outside the law, often in collusion with the underworld
... Prosecutors present this as an effort to root out Turkey's so-called "deep state", which is accused of a stream of atrocities and politically motivated murders.
On turkish TV you can see the truth coming out
The Dual State: The Turkish Case
Time: Monday, 12 Jan 2009, 12:00-14:00
Place: PRIO, Hausmanns gate 7, Oslo
PRIO invites you to a seminar with Research Professor Ola Tunander, who will introduce the concept of the dual state with examples from his own research. This will be followed by Professor Ilhan Uzgel’s of Ankara University’s comments on the Turkish Deep State and the ongoing Ergenekon trial.
These introductions will be followed by a Question and Answer session.
The term ‘dual state’ was coined by Ernst Fraenkel in 1941 to describe the duality of the state in which there co-existed a ‘regular’ legal state with a parallel ‘prerogative state’, an autocratic paramilitary emergency state or Machtstaat, that operated outside or ‘above’ the legal system”. Hans Morgenthau (1971) later described this as a structure in which the democratic state structure functions according to the law while a parallel hidden security structure exists whose purpose it is to monitor and control the former. In Turkey, this is popularly referred to as the ‘deep state’ (derin devlet).
In a dual state structure, the democratic state is interrupted (and undermined) when an existential threat is defined by the security state. In other words, at an ‘exceptional’ moment, the democratic process is sidelined by the military elite (with support from like-minded civilians).
While direct military interventions in the political process are incompatible with the EU’s demand for civilian control over the military in Turkey, a parallel and less visible state structure, more in line with Morgenthau’s conception of the U.S. ‘dual state’, would provide a means for the Turkish Armed Forces to maintain their influence, thus preserving the existing system of power. This seminar considers the implications of a ‘deep state’ in Turkey in light of recent evidence of its existence.
Ernst Fraenkel (26 December 1898 - 28 March 1975) was a German political scientist. He was one of the founding fathers of German political science after World War II.
During the Weimar Republic Fraenkel was a member of the social democrats and one of the few jurists who held socialist opinions. According to some historians in the 1930s he was designated to be Attorney General of a possible social-democratic German government. In 1939 he immigrated to the United States where he began to develop his respect for the politics of that country, especially its pluralism and its checks and balances.
Fraenkel was born in Cologne. He served during the First World War from 1914 to 1918 in the German Army. He wrote his dissertation in law about the void labour contract (Der nichtige Arbeitsvertrag) with the help of Hugo Sinzheimer. During the Weimar Republic he worked as a lawyer for labor law with Franz Leopold Neumann, published scientific publications and was engaged in socialist politics. As a soldier in World War One he was still allowed to work to a limited extent even after the Nazis came to power in 1933. He was connected to several resistance groups such as the Internationaler Sozialistischer Kampfbund (International Socialist Fighting Alliance). In 1938 he finally immigrated to the United Kingdom, in 1939 to the United states.
After studying American law Fraenkel lectured at the New School for Social Research . In 1941 he published The Dual State in which he analysed the political system of the Nazi state. For Fraenkel it was a "normative state" (Normenstaat) which secured the continuation of capitalist society for those Germans not threatened by Nazism coexisted alongside a "prerogative state" (Maßnahmenstaat) that used legal sanctions as well as brutal violence against people considered to be enemies of Nazism and Nazi Germany.
From 1945 on Fraenkel was an adviser to the American government but was soon dissatisfied with their policy of occupation in Korea. For the United Nations he was supposed to be one of the people to prepare free elections in Korea, but the Korean War made the elections impossible and forced Fraenkel to leave the country.
In 1951 Fraenkel returned to Germany. He became a lecturer at the Deutsche Hochschule für Politik (German University for Politics) in Berlin and later a professor at the Freie Universität Berlin, where he founded the John F. Kennedy-Institute for North American Studies. He considered his writings to be normative, his concept of pluralism was meant to criticize the existing political system. Those among his students who were active in the 1968 movement, however, saw his American-influenced theories as defending monopolistic capitalism. He died in Berlin.
* 1927 - Zur Soziologie des Klassenkampfes (Sociology of Class Warfare)
* 1931-1933 - "Chronik" des republikanischen Richterbundes (Chronicles of the Republikanischer Richterbund)
* 1941 - The Dual State
* 1960 - Das amerikanische Regierungssystem (The American System of Government)
* 1964 - Deutschland und die westlichen Demokratien (Germany and the Western Democracies)
Tuncay Guney, the Turkish National Intelligence Organization (MIT) agent who was a key player in the right-wing “Deep State” Ergenekon movement that attempted to overthrow the Turkish government, spent time in North Jersey in the months prior to the 9/11 attacks, according to a reliable source who spoke to WMR.
Guney now claims to be a rabbi but his status as a rabbi has been rejected as a falsehood by Turkey’s Jewish community leaders. Guney is listed as a rabbi at Jacob House (“B’nai Yakov”) Jewish Community Center in Toronto but the Toronto Board of Rabbis and the Turkish Jewish Congregation have no records of a Rabbi Tuncay Guney or “Daniel Levi,” an alias used by Guney. It is believed that “Jacob House” is a front for intelligence operations and not an actual synagogue. Jacob House shares an address with the New York Institute, which also maintains an address in New Jersey.
Guney was arrested by Istanbul’s Anti-Smuggling and Organized Crime Department on March 8, 2001, after a police search of his home turned up two guns, fake license plates, a number of Turkish identity cards, over a hundred fake diplomas, and other Ergenekon evidence. The head of the Istanbul police unit, Adil Serdar Saçan, suspected Guney was a key player in Ergenekon. However, Sacan was, himself, later arrested and charged with being a member of Ergenekon. However, WMR has learned from its Turkish sources that Sacan is honest and was set up in an attempt to tarnish his image after he discovered an Israeli connection to the powerful Ergenekon movement.
As a member of the Turkish police JITEM unit, Guney reportedly spied, under cover as a journalist, on Iraqi Kurdish leaders Massoud Barzani and Jalal Talabani and Lebanese Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah. Talabani is now the President of Iraq.
After Guney’s release on bail on March 9, 2001, S,enkal Atasagun, MIT’s undersecretary, asked the CIA to exfiltrate Guney to the United States. Guney was flown on Turkish Airlines to New York. Guney eventually ended up, according to our sources, living in North Jersey and making a living pumping gas.
Guney lived in the “973” area code zone, an area that encompasses East Rutherford and Fairlawn, towns that were centers of activity for Israeli Mossad Urban Moving System operatives who were spotted celebrating the 9/11 attacks from at least two locations -- Liberty State Park in Jersey City and an apartment complex on the Jersey Palisades above Weehawken, the headquarters of Urban Moving Systems. The FBI and CIA later identified Dominick Suter, the manager of Urban Moving Systems, as a Mossad intelligence officer. Five Urban Moving Systems employees were arrested in their van in East Rutherford during the afternoon of September 11, 2001, after they were seen traveling toward the Lincoln Tunnel to Manhattan. Their Urban Moving Systems van tested positive for the presence of explosives. Suter fled the United States and the five Israelis, some of whom were identified as Mossad in an FBI/CIA database, were released after a few months in jail after heavy pressure was applied on the U.S. government by Israel.
Guney is also suspected of acting as an agent for Mossad, as well as the CIA. His presence in North Jersey, a "hot zone" for Israeli intelligence "false flag" operations before and during the 9/11 attacks, points to a possible Turkish connection to the attacks.
On August 7, 2005, WMR reported on details of the apprehension of the Israelis for their false flag actions: "Jersey City was a major base of operations for the 1993 World Trade Center attack. The Ryder van used in that attack was rented from a Jersey City rental agency . . . there was a call placed to the Jersey City Police Department that claimed ‘Palestinians’ in Arab clothes were seen celebrating the attacks. Although the Jersey City Police discovered their 911 system tapes on September 11, 2001 disappeared from their servers and achives after ISI [of Mount Laurel, NJ] took over the contract, some tapes implicating "Arabs" found their way into the hands of WNBC-TV in New York in June 2002. WNBC played transcripts of 911 calls from the Jersey City Police:
Dispatcher: Jersey City police.
Caller: Yes, we have a white van, 2 or 3 guys in there, they look like Palestinians and going around a building.
Caller: There’s a minivan heading toward the Holland tunnel, I see the guy by Newark Airport mixing some junk and he has those sheikh uniform.
Dispatcher: He has what?
Caller: He’s dressed like an Arab.
"It is clear that the Jersey City Police Department’s 911 call tapes were manipulated to delete any calls that might implicate the Israelis. The one call provided to WNBC was clearly an attempt at a ‘false flag" operation implicating ‘Palestinians’ wearing ‘sheik uniforms’ as the culprits in at least one of the white vans driven by Israeli ‘movers’ on the morning of September 11. After the van was traced to the Israeli moving company, the BOLO [Be On Look Out for message] went out for the arrest of the vehicle’s driver and passengers. An East Rutherford policeman directing traffic away from the closed Lincoln Tunnel on Route 3 East noticed the van was driving slowly on the service road towards the tunnel. The tag of the vehicle was only off by one letter from what was contained in the BOLO (JRJ 13Y) and the front New Jersey plate had been removed. It is very possible that to confuse the police, the Israelis were using NJ plate JRJ 13Y as the rear tag on two white vans - the one sighted in Liberty State Park and the other in Maria’s apartment building parking lot. In fact, local police reported a number of white van sightings during September 11, with a number of them phoned into the police. Maria told ABC News she phoned tag number JRJ 13Y to the Jersey City Police after seeing the Israelis driving in a white van celebrating the first plane’s impact, while Liberty State Park witnesses said the same tag number -- JRJ 13Y -- had been passed to the police and FBI after a white van with ‘celebrating Arabs’ had been chased from the park by the park’s chief ranger after the first plane impact. It was clear that officials of New Jersey’s Department of Environmental Protection in Trenton, which has authority over the state’s parks, ordered Liberty State Park officials not to talk to the media about September 11 and the Israeli van."
The man who then New Jersey Governor Jim McGreevey placed in charge of his liaison to New Jersey’s security and law enforcement agencies, Golan Cipel, later was allegedly identified by U.S. intelligence as a gay "honey trap" Mossad officer tasked with entrapping and blackmailing McGreevey. McGreevey resigned as governor after details of the homosexual affair became public.
Ergenekon has been accused of carrying out terrorist attacks and assassinations in Turkey as "false flag" operations to discredit, undermine, and eventually overthrow Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) government of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Former FBI Turkish and Persian translator Sibel Edmonds told the Sunday Times of London earlier this year that her translations of wiretaps of Turkish, Iranian, Israeli, and American individuals pointed to Turkish training for the 9/11 hijack ring. Edmonds said that an "Al Qaeda" leader, a Syrian named Louai al-Sakka, had trained 9/11 hijackers at a military base in Turkey, under the watchful eyes of the Turkish military, which we now know was riddled with Ergenekon agents up and down the chain-of-command, four star generals to non-commissioned officers. Al-Sakka was convicted in 2007 for his role in a series of 2003 bombings in Istanbul that targeted the British Consulate, two HSBC bank branches, and two synagogues and his now serving a life prison sentence. The Turkish ring may have been involved or known about several beheadings of Western prisoners in Iraq that were blamed on "Al Qaeda."
Philip Giraldi, a former CIA station chief in Istanbul, wrote the following in the Dallas Morning News: "Sibel Edmonds makes a number of accusations about specific criminal behavior that appear to be extraordinary but are credible enough to warrant official investigation."
Coupling the Turkish official investigation of Ergenekon with Edmonds’ information, there is more than a smoking gun pointing to 9/11 as a "false flag" operation involving Turkish, Israeli, and U.S. intelligence operatives. The Saudi and Pakistani financial connection to the 9/11 hijackers and the "false flag" operation has already been well-documented.
It is time for the incoming Obama administration to seriously consider appointing a new 9/11 commission, sans enablers and possible conspirators in the 9/11 false flag attack on the United States. Thousands of pages of documents are now available in Turkey, the United States, Britain, India, France, and other countries that will prove that 9/11 involved a network much larger than a former CIA asset hiding in an Afghan cave, Osama Bin Laden, and 19 ne’er-do-well "hijackers," some of whom were more interested in going to strip joints and bars in the days before they decided to take express flights to "heaven" to spend eternity with Allah.
Who in the world is Tuncay Guney?
In Turkey, the former reporter was embroiled in a political trial he insists will lead to his murder if he's forced to return. In Cairo, he was accused of being an Israeli spy. In Toronto, Mr. Guney presents himself as a rabbi seeking refugee status, though the Jewish community has rejected him. 'Tuncay Guney has 1,000 faces. Only God knows which is the real one'
NICHOLAS BIRCH AND TU THANH HA
From Friday's Globe and Mail
January 9, 2009 at 5:17 AM EST
ISTANBUL and TORONTO — In his native Turkey, he is a key figure in one of the country's biggest political trials, a convoluted, explosive tale of assassinations and conspiracy.
He has also figured large in a Cairo court, where he was alleged to be an operative for Mossad, Israel's spy agency, who recruited a Canadian to spy for Israel on Arab bank customers.
Here in Canada, Tuncay Guney presents himself as a rabbi, with hat and black coat - though the Jewish community says he's not one of their own.
A cagey, unassuming-looking 36-year-old with shaky English, the former reporter left a path of intrigue and controversy on three continents before turning up in Toronto as a refugee claimant.
Tuncay Guney lives in Toronto, where he is a refugee claimant. ’Going back to Turkey would mean arranging a date with the Angel of Death,’ Mr. Guney says. Sabah
Tuncay Guney lives in Toronto, where he is a refugee claimant. ’Going back to Turkey would mean arranging a date with the Angel of Death,’ Mr. Guney says. (Sabah)
The Globe and Mail
"Going back to Turkey would mean arranging a date with the Angel of Death," he said in an e-mail in Turkish.
For the past six months, few days have gone without him being on the front page of a Turkish newspaper.
He is the informant behind the closely watched Ergenekon trial, in which leading intellectuals and military officers are accused of attempting to overthrow the Muslim-rooted AK party that governs Turkey.
United only by their hatred of the AK, the 85 right-wing nationalists and hard-line secularists in the dock are accused of being part of a secret organization called Ergenekon and charged with plotting high-level killings to destabilize society and force army intervention.
"I sparked a revolution in my country. The masks fell," Mr. Guney said in his e-mail. "If I talk, everything will change."
The case began in 2001 when police in Turkey pulled him in for selling a stolen car.
The man was a nondescript sort: a failed journalist with a primary school certificate and a thick Anatolian accent. Then he began to talk.
"I've never seen anybody like Tuncay Guney," recalled Ahmet Ihtiyaroglu, the organized-crime interrogator who took over from his gobsmacked colleagues in small crimes. "It was as if somebody had sent him in to reveal everything."
The police called in investigative magistrates. But out on bail, Mr. Guney fled to the United States.
He left behind 140 pages of depositions and six boxes of documents - some top-secret - that hold a prime place in the indictment. Mr. Guney is mentioned more than 400 times in the indictment and named as a "suspect on the run."
In his deposition, Mr. Guney said he worked for General Veli Kucuk, a former military intelligence chief suspected in dozens of homicides.
This week, the trial heard that his aliases included Daniel Levi, Kemal Kosbag and Tuncay Bubay.
Those names had cropped up before, in a spy case against an Egyptian-Canadian CIBC employee in Toronto.
In 2007, a Cairo court sentenced Mohamed el-Attar to 15 years in prison after he was arrested in Egypt while visiting family. The prosecution said that Mr. el-Attar worked for Mossad, while in Turkey and Canada, and had been recruited by Daniel Levi, Kemal Kosba and Tuncay Bubay.
According to Newsweek's Turkish edition, a former housemate said Mr. Guney once introduced Mr. el-Attar to him as a friend. The Israeli consulate said the Mossad allegations were "madness."
Daniel is also the name Mr. Guney uses in his Toronto life - as rabbi Daniel T. Guney.
Jacob House, the congregation he says he represents, appears to be little more than a website and a postal box.
The Toronto Board of Rabbis and the Canadian Jewish Congress say Mr. Guney is not a member of the community and appears to be associated with the Messianic Judaism movement, evangelical Christians who try to convert Jews.
According to the Turkish media, Mr. Guney became acquainted with evangelical Christians while in New York. When his asylum demand in the United States was rejected, a Kurdish convert drove him to Canada in 2004.
"People let him enter their lives because they felt sorry for him. He always appeared a poor, weak character," says one Turkish journalist who first met him in 1994.
"Tuncay Guney has 1,000 faces. Only God knows which is the real one," said Hasan Yilmaz, editor of the Toronto-based newspaper CanadaTurk.
Mr. Guney, meanwhile, is in no hurry to be back where he triggered so many shockwaves.
"The state is not in control of the streets or the prisons. Look at the seniority of the Ergenekon suspects and what they did. Do you think they would permit me to live in liberty or in jail?"
Nicholas Birch is a freelance reporter
False flag operations are covert operations conducted by governments, corporations, or other organizations, which are designed to appear as though they are being carried out by other entities. The name is derived from the military concept of flying false colors; that is, flying the flag of a country other than one's own. False flag operations are not limited to war and counter-insurgency operations, and have been used in peace-time; for example, during Italy's strategy of tension.
In the 1931 Mukden incident, Japanese officers fabricated a pretext for annexing Manchuria by blowing up a section of railway. Six years later, they falsely claimed the kidnapping of one of their soldiers in the Marco Polo Bridge Incident as an excuse to invade China proper.
In the Gleiwitz incident in August 1939, Reinhard Heydrich made use of fabricated evidence of a Polish attack against Germany to mobilize German public opinion and to fabricate a false justification for a war with Poland. This, along with other false flag operations in Operation Himmler would be used to mobilize support from the German population for the start of World War II in Europe.
On November 26, 1939 the Soviet Union shelled the Russian village of Mainila near the Finnish border. The Soviet Union attacked Finland four days after the Shelling of Mainila. Some Russian historians have claimed that the Finns shelled themselves with the intent of later attacking the Soviet Union. This theory is not shared by most historians, and Russia has agreed that the attack was initiated by the Soviets. Also, the nearest Finnish artillery pieces were well outside the range needed to shell Mainila. In 1994, the President of Russia Boris Yeltsin denounced the Winter War, agreeing that it was a war of aggression.
In 1953, the U.S. and British-orchestrated Operation Ajax used "false-flag" and propaganda operations against the democratically elected leader of Iran, Mohammed Mosaddeq. Information regarding the CIA-sponsored coup d'etat has been largely declassified and is available in the CIA archives.
In 1954, Israel sponsored bombings against US and UK interests in Cairo aiming to cause trouble between Egypt and the West. This operation, later dubbed the Lavon Affair, cost Israeli defense minister Pinhas Lavon his job. The state of Israel (where it is known as "The Unfortunate Affair") finally admitted responsibility in 2005.
The planned, but never executed, 1962 Operation Northwoods plot by the U.S. Department of Defense for a war with Cuba involved scenarios such as hijacking a passenger plane, sinking a U.S. ship, burning crops and blaming such actions on Cuba. It was authored by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, nixed by John F. Kennedy, came to light through the Freedom of Information Act and was publicized by James Bamford.
Detentions reveal Ergenekon’s covert assassination plots
A new wave of detentions last week from the clandestine terrorist network Ergenekon has revealed that the group was planning to assassinate Alevi and Armenian community leaders, the prime minister and members of the Supreme Court of Appeals, acts that would have dragged Turkey into chaos if they had been carried out.
Nearly 40 individuals were detained last week in simultaneous police operations staged in six cities as part of the ongoing investigation into Ergenekon, a shady clandestine network of groups and individuals accused of plotting to overthrow the government. The new detainees include military officers, an academic with left-wing political activist background, the former head of the Police Special Operations Unit, seven retired generals and the former head of the Higher Education Board (YÖK).
The prosecutors, who made public the rationale for the detention warrant, indicated that the police, who had been monitoring the suspects’ phone conversations for months, had found evidence that Ergenekon was engaged in preparations for a number of assassinations. The group was plotting to kill prominent Alevi community leaders such as Ali Balkız and Kazım Genç as well as Sivas Armenian Community President Minas Durmaz Güler along with a number of journalists.
The prosecutions states that the police have established that two grenade attacks on the Cumhuriyet daily in May 2006 and a shooting at the Council of State in 2006 that left a senior judge dead and two others injured were acts of the Ergenekon terrorist organization. The warrant further noted that under the investigation an Ergenekon house full of munitions and 27 hand grenades was discovered in June 2007, along with another arms depot in Eskişehir, also in June 2007, and it in addition referred to the existence of top-secret information concerning state security and plots to assassinate journalists, members of the high judiciary, the prime minister and journalists.
The warrant further said that technical monitoring on the part of the police revealed that Ergenekon was preparing to assassinate a prominent figure who is a member of the Armenian community in the city of Sivas and that those detained in the recent wave of detentions were taken in on suspicion of membership in Ergenekon, carrying out activities in accordance with the organization's purposes and acquiring weapons to facilitate the implementation of the sensational assassinations.
Ergenekon's munitions inventory
Meanwhile, two separate arms depots were found during last week's operations. On Friday the police discovered a weapons cache buried in a forest in Ankara's Gölbaşı district through a map found in the home of one of the newest suspects. Searches in five other areas were also launched based on evidence seized by police during sweeps of homes and offices of the suspect. These searches yielded no results.
In Gölbaşı, officers discovered 30 hand grenades, three flame-throwers, many plastic explosives, ammunitions for Uzi machine guns and other ammunition buried close to a road near the capital, officials said.
Weapons were also seized in the home of Lt. Col. Mustafa Dönmez in İstanbul's Sapanca district. Long-range Kalashnikov rifles, bullets, hunting rifles, binoculars, bayonets and a pair of car license plates were also discovered. Twenty-two hand grenades were found in Dönmez's laundry basket. Dönmez himself escaped and is now considered a suspect at large.
Details of Eregnekon's coup plans
Evidence gathered from last week's searches have shed light on Ergenekon's coup plans for the year 2009. The munitions were found based maps discovered in the home of the former deputy chairman of the police department's special operations unit, İbrahim Şahin, who was detained last week. The Gölbaşı weapons are significant and provide important clues as to what last week's detainees would have done had they not been captured. The police also established that the maps were professionally drawn up at the time of the Council of State attack in 2006. The investigators are now looking for the person who drafted the maps, unlikely to have been created by Şahin himself, given their precision and level of professionalism.
Evidence and the prosecution's opinion indicate that the group could have dragged Turkey into chaos. Şahin and the retired generals were detained after months of surveillance established that they had organized meetings to plot a coup to overthrow the government in 2009. Indeed, during the Ergenekon trial, in which 86 suspects are already being indicted, it became obvious that suspect Ümit Sayın was expecting a coup to take place every morning.
The lower-ranked military officers currently on active duty detained on Wednesday, such as Bekir Ç., Ersin D and Oğuz B., were supposed to carry out some of the operations, including the assassination of an Armenian leader in the city of Sivas. Flamethrowers, grenades and TNT found in Gölbaşı, the police believe, will not only expose the future plans of the organization but will also illuminate some incidents of the past.
Some sources close to the investigation believe that former Mayor of İstanbul Bedrettin Dalan, who is also on the run in the US, is the head of Ergenekon's financial department. Also, the prosecution now has reason to believe that a coup plan, called Glove, was put into motion two months ago. Ergenekon's plans for the coup were so detailed that the organization had already decided who would be prime minister and president. The coup, planned shortly before or after the local elections scheduled for March, 29, 2009, would be a small-scale takeover aimed at disabling the government. Sources allege that retired Gen. Tuncer Kılınç in Ankara and retired Gen. Kemal Yavuz in İstanbul were leading and training the military cadets who would participate in the takeover. The police now have records of every coup meeting.
The first step would be the killing of important non-Muslim community leaders in Sivas. Two hand grenades were found in the house of Oğuz Bulut, assigned the job of killing Sivas Armenian Community leader Minas Durmaz Güler. Bulut is the former president of the Sivas Idealist Clubs, youth groups formerly closely associated with the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), although the party has made significant efforts under its current leader, Devlet Bahçeli, to distance itself from them.
A similar case in Italy
Meanwhile, analysts point out that when Italy was cleaning out in "its own Ergenekon," known as Gladio, which was set up in the 1950s with the support of the US and UK intelligence services under the Italian Defense Ministry but which then became an independent group, carrying out hundreds of terrorist attacks, the same kind of high-profile detentions took place as in Ergenekon terror organization case. So far, slightly more than 100 people are suspects under the Ergenekon investigation, compared to a total of 7,417 against whom criminal complaints were filed in Italy during the Gladio operation. More than 2,990 public servants were brought before the judiciary during the course of the investigation. At least 900 businessmen appeared in court over links with Gladio. The higher-ups who were convicted included 12 former ministers and deputies. The president was forced to resign.
Recent developments in the latest detentions
Ten out of 21 of those who were referred to a court after the police investigation, including former Deputy Chairman of the Special Operations Unit Şahin, were arrested by court order. Former Secretary-General of the National Security Council (MGK) retired Gen. Tuncer Kılınç and another retired senior member of the army were released without condition by the court, despite the prosecutor's recommendation to free the two with travel restrictions. Seven others were also released by the court on Saturday. The interrogation of three others was incomplete as of Sunday.
Gürüz, the former head of YÖK, was also released yesterday by the prosecution, without referring him to court.